Imphal, May 08 2009: Contd.from yesterday .
"The naga cause cannot be said to be detrimental to Manipur's cause," said the Vice President of the Revolutionary People's Front (RPF) and also Chief of Army Staff of the People's Liberation Army (PLA), Mahoharmayum Ngouba during a press conference held on the morning of May 5 at the PLA's Training Command Head Quarter located somewhere near Indo-Myanmar border in Ukhrul district.
Ngouba said, "There had been times when Naga cause turned out to be quite helpful to Manipur's cause and it's believed that it will be helpful in future as well.
Because Nagaland is not a few thousand kilometers away from Manipur, it is an immediate neighbouring country".
"Therefore a neighbouring country is always associated with our history and will be associated in the ages to come.
What we must see is desirable to keep a little away from the country or the views of an organisation.
Because it is believed that to take part together in a long lasting and better worldly journey will evolve from a condition in which communities of both sides enjoy a mutual understanding, like-mindedness and sharing in all spheres," Ngouba affirmed.
He said, "It will be wrong to think of all Naga people as anti-Manipuris and it will also be wrong to take all Manipuris as anti-Nagas.
As such the present situation of division and differences of opinions will depend on the policies of certain Naga bodies".
The Vice President was replying to a question raised by a journalist on the alleged link between the RPF/PLA and the NSCN-IM.
He said, "It is not only the RPF that has relations with the NSCN.
Other revolutionary organisations operating in Manipur and other surrounding countries too have relations with the NSCN".
"Both groups of the NSCN are having ceasefire agreement with the Government of India.
One is in the so-called peace process while the other one has been trying for a long time to take part in it.
There is no question of both the groups withdrawing from the process either".
He said, "Now the parties do not seem to be all that close to the NSCN as in the past.
The stand taken by the NSCN has become a hindrance to the rest of the revolutionary groups".
On another question placed by this newspaper on the tangible involvement of the NSCN-IM in the elections held under the Constitution of India by fielding candidates who would lobby in the parliamentary fora for the Naga cause while the RPF has been boycotting all elections held under the Constitution and banning anyone who is a former cadre of the outfit from contesting in the elections as a candidate, Vice President Ngouba said, "The political and social reality of the Nagas is a little different from the political and social reality of Manipur which would have been seen by the people".
"That too, the political and social reality that existed in the eighties and the political and social reality of the nineties are greatly different from that of the present.
Even in our own experience, the Naga people used to stand solidly behind the Naga movement and the representing organisation that fought against India.
But today all that had been negated by the policies of the NSCN," he pointed out.
He asserted that "it is questionable if the NSCN's objective under the Constitution of India has been achieved so far by putting up candidates in the elections".
On another question from a journalist on India's influence over the UN and other countries regarding not extending support to the insurgent groups of Manipur, the PLA's CAS replied, "it's not always true that only the rich and powerful countries can influence the relationship among the nations and change the prevailing order".
He further said, "It's quite natural for India to try to do the same.
India will do anything to protect its interest.
For us too, we, as a nation�big or small�shall do what ought to be done.
We are carrying on with our liberation movement with the conviction that it's not the rich and powerful countries alone that shape the international relations".
Ngouba further pointed out, "The parties involved in the war seem to forget that there are two sides in the job.
It's not a war that's played on the script of a drama.
There are two opposing sides in a war.
It's the people that either of the two sides tries to bring to its side.
People are kind of a trophy�a prize of war".
He said, "Since people are the decisive factor in the principles of a revolutionary war, it's the side on which the people stand that unfailingly wins.
Its significance is known to all concerned.
However, the means to translate this significance into reality seems somewhat difficult on the side of the revolutionary groups.
But it doesn't happen to be all that difficult on the part of the enemy since, apart from having one point something billion people, its economy is included in the one to ten ranks in the world.
Moreover it's a country rising in military and technology".
"Therefore, the enemy has advantages in bringing the situation prevailing in today's theatre of war to the direction of its liking," the CAS of PLA admitted.
"However if they are asked, does this make them believe that they will win the fight, they say no," Ngouba said and made reference to reports published in the newspapers in which Army Commanders and Generals had said that the military can't solve the issue.
The RPF leader also admitted that the insurgent groups lacked means and resources for taking forward and working harder on the situation, not only in terms of materials but also in moral and other issues.
"Yet it's a relative matter.
There will be no question of the enemy winning as it has larger number of population and is bigger or we will be defeated since ours is a small nation with lesser population.
It's just that they are taking a little more advantages," Ngouba said.
Regarding the mass mobilisation by the RPF/PLA for its movement, the Chief of PLA said that all the (revolutionary) parties feel the necessity of mass participation in the liberation movement.
"However, the parties seem to have different views and strategies on how to embrace the people in the movement.
"To the RPF, mass participation in the liberation movement should be based on systematised phases," he said.
He further said, "When we come back to the reality, after forgetting ourselves for a while, we find that what we believed ourselves to be contradicts the reality and that disappoints".
Showing posts with label nagaland. Show all posts
Showing posts with label nagaland. Show all posts
Nagas’ Dilemma in Choosing MP Candidate
Dr. R.B. Thohe Pou
Whether it is the MLA or M.P. election – the Naga people are always in dilemma in recent years in choosing their right candidate till the election is over. This precisely shows that we in transition and confusing stage where both the leaders and public have different perceptions and understanding. You have the freedom to live but do you have the right and freedom to vote for the candidate that you want? Do you know who will be the best candidate in this M.P. election? Are you going to choose the candidate based on his or her capability or due to the compulsion from “so called leaders” of your community? Till late 1980s, the M.P. elections were hardly known in the village. But today the situation had tremendously changed; the village leaders are now actively involved in M.P. election campaigning. It shows the people have awareness and their rights to choose and vote according to their intuition. However when the people commenced to know their own rights to vote for their own candidates; so called “the leaders of the people” commenced to pressurize the public to vote only for a particular candidate.
Do you think that the Nagas are still incapable to rationalize and choose their own candidate? When will the Naga come to know how to choose their own candidate? Do you think that the Naga leaders compel the public to vote ‘so called the leaders’ choice candidate’? Does the Naga public have the right to choose their own candidate without the compulsion from ‘so called their leaders’? In every election – the Naga people are in dilemma whom to vote because the public are not convinced to vote for the candidate, so called the Naga leaders’ chosen candidate. Do you think that the leaders are incapable to convince and mobilize the public to support their chosen leader? Or the public does not want to listen to their advice? Here the only problem may be the leaders are careless or incapable to convince and mobilize the public to vote the candidate whom they are supporting. Today, we are in the age of reasoning and conviction and the leaders should be capable to convince the public to vote for their chosen leaders. If the leaders are incapable to convince the public – they are just another leader by “name” that exists in their organization. Our present leaders represent for the public but they should also be capable to convince and mobilize the common people to vote for any particular candidate otherwise it may bring more misunderstanding and divisions in the society instead of working together with them.
If the present MP has done something beneficial for the public and capable to continue – I wish that he should get another chance to serve for the people. However he should give in details to the public what he has done for the public in last 5 years and the public should be convinced to vote again for him otherwise it may be unwise to vote again for him. If there is any new candidate who is more capable to work for the public – let us also give him or her chance to work for the public. Regardless of the candidate from different village or community, we need to support the candidate who will work and represent for the public so that we may enjoy the fruits of our present excellent decision in next 5 years.
Today the Nagas are in the stage of transition and we need the leader who has the vision to lead the people in the right way and stand for the public in the parliament. You and I can represent; anybody can represent in the parliament or stay in Delhi if we give him or her a chance. But an incapable leader who has not vision and courage to stand for us will bring only disgrace to us instead of bringing glory for his her people. There may be some people who are running after money and want to vote for the candidate who will pay the highest for them but today most of people want to vote for the candidate who is capable to represent in the parliament and work for the public. In this age of reasoning and conviction – the fancy political promises cannot convince the public without any feasible promise. We want unity and development in our villages and towns and the candidate should be chosen by the public to represent in the parliament for the public. Today we need to be more circumspective in choosing the right candidate with our free mind and heart without any external force. Let us take a deep breath now and take the right decision to choose the best candidate who will represent and work for the public.
Whether it is the MLA or M.P. election – the Naga people are always in dilemma in recent years in choosing their right candidate till the election is over. This precisely shows that we in transition and confusing stage where both the leaders and public have different perceptions and understanding. You have the freedom to live but do you have the right and freedom to vote for the candidate that you want? Do you know who will be the best candidate in this M.P. election? Are you going to choose the candidate based on his or her capability or due to the compulsion from “so called leaders” of your community? Till late 1980s, the M.P. elections were hardly known in the village. But today the situation had tremendously changed; the village leaders are now actively involved in M.P. election campaigning. It shows the people have awareness and their rights to choose and vote according to their intuition. However when the people commenced to know their own rights to vote for their own candidates; so called “the leaders of the people” commenced to pressurize the public to vote only for a particular candidate.
Do you think that the Nagas are still incapable to rationalize and choose their own candidate? When will the Naga come to know how to choose their own candidate? Do you think that the Naga leaders compel the public to vote ‘so called the leaders’ choice candidate’? Does the Naga public have the right to choose their own candidate without the compulsion from ‘so called their leaders’? In every election – the Naga people are in dilemma whom to vote because the public are not convinced to vote for the candidate, so called the Naga leaders’ chosen candidate. Do you think that the leaders are incapable to convince and mobilize the public to support their chosen leader? Or the public does not want to listen to their advice? Here the only problem may be the leaders are careless or incapable to convince and mobilize the public to vote the candidate whom they are supporting. Today, we are in the age of reasoning and conviction and the leaders should be capable to convince the public to vote for their chosen leaders. If the leaders are incapable to convince the public – they are just another leader by “name” that exists in their organization. Our present leaders represent for the public but they should also be capable to convince and mobilize the common people to vote for any particular candidate otherwise it may bring more misunderstanding and divisions in the society instead of working together with them.
If the present MP has done something beneficial for the public and capable to continue – I wish that he should get another chance to serve for the people. However he should give in details to the public what he has done for the public in last 5 years and the public should be convinced to vote again for him otherwise it may be unwise to vote again for him. If there is any new candidate who is more capable to work for the public – let us also give him or her chance to work for the public. Regardless of the candidate from different village or community, we need to support the candidate who will work and represent for the public so that we may enjoy the fruits of our present excellent decision in next 5 years.
Today the Nagas are in the stage of transition and we need the leader who has the vision to lead the people in the right way and stand for the public in the parliament. You and I can represent; anybody can represent in the parliament or stay in Delhi if we give him or her a chance. But an incapable leader who has not vision and courage to stand for us will bring only disgrace to us instead of bringing glory for his her people. There may be some people who are running after money and want to vote for the candidate who will pay the highest for them but today most of people want to vote for the candidate who is capable to represent in the parliament and work for the public. In this age of reasoning and conviction – the fancy political promises cannot convince the public without any feasible promise. We want unity and development in our villages and towns and the candidate should be chosen by the public to represent in the parliament for the public. Today we need to be more circumspective in choosing the right candidate with our free mind and heart without any external force. Let us take a deep breath now and take the right decision to choose the best candidate who will represent and work for the public.
Chidambaram reviews security situation in Manipur
Imphal, Feb 3 Union Home Minister P Chidambaram today reviewed the security situation in Manipur, which has witnessed repeated violence by several militant groups in the recent past.
Chidambaram, who is also scheduled to visit another troubled northeastern state of Nagaland, held meetings with Manipur Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh, his ministers, top police and security officials to take the first hand account of the situation, official sources said.
The home minister was briefed on the situation by security officials including Director General of Police Y Joy Kumar, the sources said.
The meeting also discussed the attempt of a Naga militant outfit, NSCN-IM, to set up a designated camp at Siroy area in Ukhrul district of the state, they said.
The militants' attempt had, however, been foiled by Assam Rifles personnel.
The NSCN-IM has entered a ceasefire agreement with the Centre in 1997 and it was in force in Nagaland only and not in Manipur.
Chidambaram also met Governor Gurbachan Jagat before leaving for Nagaland.
He will hold meetings with the Nagaland chief minister and his cabinet colleagues at Chumukedima police complex, on the outskirts of the commercial town of Dimapur.
Chidambaram's visit to Nagaland assumes significance in view of his recent assertion that Naga peace talks would continue but cease-fire ground rules be enforced strictly to maintain congenial atmosphere in the state.
Chidambaram, who is also scheduled to visit another troubled northeastern state of Nagaland, held meetings with Manipur Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh, his ministers, top police and security officials to take the first hand account of the situation, official sources said.
The home minister was briefed on the situation by security officials including Director General of Police Y Joy Kumar, the sources said.
The meeting also discussed the attempt of a Naga militant outfit, NSCN-IM, to set up a designated camp at Siroy area in Ukhrul district of the state, they said.
The militants' attempt had, however, been foiled by Assam Rifles personnel.
The NSCN-IM has entered a ceasefire agreement with the Centre in 1997 and it was in force in Nagaland only and not in Manipur.
Chidambaram also met Governor Gurbachan Jagat before leaving for Nagaland.
He will hold meetings with the Nagaland chief minister and his cabinet colleagues at Chumukedima police complex, on the outskirts of the commercial town of Dimapur.
Chidambaram's visit to Nagaland assumes significance in view of his recent assertion that Naga peace talks would continue but cease-fire ground rules be enforced strictly to maintain congenial atmosphere in the state.
Saranamei village: so near yet so far
SARANAMEI, Jan 28 : Saranamei village, or Siimai as the locals know it, is just 14 km away from National Highway 39. According to local legends, it is one of the oldest settlements, if not the oldest, in the great migration of the Nagas after they emerged from the Makhel cave.
But the 14 km which separate it from the nearest highway township Tadubi might as well be the gulf that separates heaven and hell.
This became obvious during a one day cultural exchange function organised by an NGO by the name of ICHAM, under the dynamic leadership of its young president, N Boi Rajendro. In an event which will be remembered not just by the villagers, who turned out in great numbers at the local ground, but also by those who went there to witness the event, cultural troupes from the valley performed for the village and local dancers performed for the visitors. Gifts were also exchanged.
Upto Paomata village there is a single lane all-weather state highway which continues right up Jessami in Ukhrul district. This road is in a dilapidated condition, but even this would seem a luxury compared to the approach road to Saranamei that branches off from it at Paomata. This 5km dirt road, dusty during the dry seasons and un-navigable during the wet season seemed like an eternity to traverse.
It is absolutely depressing and infuriating to see this village is so far yet so near. It is as if it is a spot left unnoticed by the state. It is even more infuriating that Saranamei is just one example of hundreds of others which have fallen in the same blind spot of the state.
Saranamei is not a small insignificant village either. The village has about 1000 households and is home to about 5000 flesh and blood citizens of this state. It is absolutely confounding that the government can remain unconcerned when so many of its citizens are deprived of even the most basic benefits of governance.
The village does not have a primary health sub-centre, it has not known treated pipe water, there are no public transport facilities, although there were some private taxis with Kohima registration seen parking in some corners of the village, there are no government offices or representatives in the village, the village approach road was constructed by the villagers themselves and maintained by them too.
Although it is so atrociously left out by the government, the village remains a picture of integrity in its isolation. It is a village in which the traditional and modernity exist side by side without conflict or friction.
The older generations in this village are still holding on to their traditional religion and world view, although the younger generation have all without exception adopted the Christian faith.
After another generation, the village would be, like most other villages in the hills, fully proselytised.
But the transition is visibly smooth. In fact the ICHAM function was timed to coincide with Rahchi, a traditional festival celebrated in good spirit with an abundance of traditionally brewed rice beer, pou zhou.
But the 14 km which separate it from the nearest highway township Tadubi might as well be the gulf that separates heaven and hell.
This became obvious during a one day cultural exchange function organised by an NGO by the name of ICHAM, under the dynamic leadership of its young president, N Boi Rajendro. In an event which will be remembered not just by the villagers, who turned out in great numbers at the local ground, but also by those who went there to witness the event, cultural troupes from the valley performed for the village and local dancers performed for the visitors. Gifts were also exchanged.
Upto Paomata village there is a single lane all-weather state highway which continues right up Jessami in Ukhrul district. This road is in a dilapidated condition, but even this would seem a luxury compared to the approach road to Saranamei that branches off from it at Paomata. This 5km dirt road, dusty during the dry seasons and un-navigable during the wet season seemed like an eternity to traverse.
It is absolutely depressing and infuriating to see this village is so far yet so near. It is as if it is a spot left unnoticed by the state. It is even more infuriating that Saranamei is just one example of hundreds of others which have fallen in the same blind spot of the state.
Saranamei is not a small insignificant village either. The village has about 1000 households and is home to about 5000 flesh and blood citizens of this state. It is absolutely confounding that the government can remain unconcerned when so many of its citizens are deprived of even the most basic benefits of governance.
The village does not have a primary health sub-centre, it has not known treated pipe water, there are no public transport facilities, although there were some private taxis with Kohima registration seen parking in some corners of the village, there are no government offices or representatives in the village, the village approach road was constructed by the villagers themselves and maintained by them too.
Although it is so atrociously left out by the government, the village remains a picture of integrity in its isolation. It is a village in which the traditional and modernity exist side by side without conflict or friction.
The older generations in this village are still holding on to their traditional religion and world view, although the younger generation have all without exception adopted the Christian faith.
After another generation, the village would be, like most other villages in the hills, fully proselytised.
But the transition is visibly smooth. In fact the ICHAM function was timed to coincide with Rahchi, a traditional festival celebrated in good spirit with an abundance of traditionally brewed rice beer, pou zhou.
Process as End
Source: IMPHAL FREE PRESS
Posted: 2009-01-24
Are peace talks in the northeast destined to remain a process until finally the process itself becomes the goal? This is a question which cannot miss any serious observers of the region. The answer seems to be in the affirmative, not merely from watching the Naga peace talks, but also the entry of so many other groups in Manipur into this process, in their case without any clear cut route charted out, or even the blueprint of what might be the ultimate solution, known. In fact, for many of the groups entering the fray now, it was never very clear what they were fighting for when they were fighting, unlike say the Nagas who were never in any doubt what they wanted from the time the elite leadership amongst them from the then Naga Club met the Simon Commission when the latter visited Nagaland in 1929. It is also unimaginable these latter groups would be able to come up with any credible, tangible goals, justified by the history or the present, now that they have supposedly stopped fighting. And yet the juggernaut has been set rolling and the “peace process” would carry on, perhaps for a decade, or even several decades, by which time a generation or two would have changed guards, and whatever little tangible goals that can be said to have yoked these disparate groups together would have been lost sight of.
From the state’s point of view, maybe this is a solution in itself. If this indeed is the case, then it would be much more fitting to refer to these peace talks as “peace offensives” rather than “peace initiatives”. In an oxymoronic sense, such a “peace” would become a “war” strategy. We would say this is a legitimate strategy too – that is, legitimised by war. Ultimately, the object in a war, be it open or cold, tepid or by proxy, is to win. But even if it is legitimate under the sweeping war philosophy encapsulated by the terse and familiar phrase: “everything is fair in love and war”, another vital question would continue to haunt. It may be legitimate, but does this necessarily guarantee success? It is for this than for any other reasons that we have reservation about the present push. After a settlement has been reached, would the larger problem of insurgency be solved conclusively, considering also the fact that the “peace offensive” still fails to impress many quarters that matter. After seeing how the state government treated the few dozen militants who it managed to wean away from the rebel camp, the prospect of convincing more of the benefits they can reap from hanging up their jungle boots and saying farewell to arms would have receded even farther away.
There is a little more to be said on the “peace offensive”. Probably the new initiatives, especially of enlisting some factions of a hopelessly splintered underground group operating in the valley area, was meant as bait to lure bigger fish. Those with some experience in angling (and many of us are as children with our improvised fishing devices), would know it fully well that when the bait becomes too obvious, particularly when the menacing hook is not covered entirely by the bait, no fish would bite. We are sure those who fashioned his new initiative would know this too. Our hunch is, nobody seriously waging the insurrection war would bite this bait. And like it or not, the chain is only as strong as the weakest link, and here are the obvious weak links of this strategy. Rather than a strategy, what we propose in its place is the offer of an open-minded and open-hearted parley that laid a premium on a solution honourable to all parties involved.
But this “process as end” story is a doubled-edged sword which can cut either way. If “peace talks” are doomed to be reduced to this, insurgency itself is trapped in this same syndrome. This juggernaut too is become a perennial self-sustaining process which follows its own unique logic. The constant fights over government contract jobs by these non state players through their proxies, the need for harsh diktats to ensure public compliance to their agendas rather than voluntary participation etc, are some symptoms of this decay corroding away the soul of the insurrection. Under the circumstance, if the “fish baiting” games are to be abandoned, the “one-up-man ship” war games too must end. What is called for is a one to one discourse, which can give way to more hard-headed dialogues to finally pave the way for a negotiated settlement.
Posted: 2009-01-24
Are peace talks in the northeast destined to remain a process until finally the process itself becomes the goal? This is a question which cannot miss any serious observers of the region. The answer seems to be in the affirmative, not merely from watching the Naga peace talks, but also the entry of so many other groups in Manipur into this process, in their case without any clear cut route charted out, or even the blueprint of what might be the ultimate solution, known. In fact, for many of the groups entering the fray now, it was never very clear what they were fighting for when they were fighting, unlike say the Nagas who were never in any doubt what they wanted from the time the elite leadership amongst them from the then Naga Club met the Simon Commission when the latter visited Nagaland in 1929. It is also unimaginable these latter groups would be able to come up with any credible, tangible goals, justified by the history or the present, now that they have supposedly stopped fighting. And yet the juggernaut has been set rolling and the “peace process” would carry on, perhaps for a decade, or even several decades, by which time a generation or two would have changed guards, and whatever little tangible goals that can be said to have yoked these disparate groups together would have been lost sight of.
From the state’s point of view, maybe this is a solution in itself. If this indeed is the case, then it would be much more fitting to refer to these peace talks as “peace offensives” rather than “peace initiatives”. In an oxymoronic sense, such a “peace” would become a “war” strategy. We would say this is a legitimate strategy too – that is, legitimised by war. Ultimately, the object in a war, be it open or cold, tepid or by proxy, is to win. But even if it is legitimate under the sweeping war philosophy encapsulated by the terse and familiar phrase: “everything is fair in love and war”, another vital question would continue to haunt. It may be legitimate, but does this necessarily guarantee success? It is for this than for any other reasons that we have reservation about the present push. After a settlement has been reached, would the larger problem of insurgency be solved conclusively, considering also the fact that the “peace offensive” still fails to impress many quarters that matter. After seeing how the state government treated the few dozen militants who it managed to wean away from the rebel camp, the prospect of convincing more of the benefits they can reap from hanging up their jungle boots and saying farewell to arms would have receded even farther away.
There is a little more to be said on the “peace offensive”. Probably the new initiatives, especially of enlisting some factions of a hopelessly splintered underground group operating in the valley area, was meant as bait to lure bigger fish. Those with some experience in angling (and many of us are as children with our improvised fishing devices), would know it fully well that when the bait becomes too obvious, particularly when the menacing hook is not covered entirely by the bait, no fish would bite. We are sure those who fashioned his new initiative would know this too. Our hunch is, nobody seriously waging the insurrection war would bite this bait. And like it or not, the chain is only as strong as the weakest link, and here are the obvious weak links of this strategy. Rather than a strategy, what we propose in its place is the offer of an open-minded and open-hearted parley that laid a premium on a solution honourable to all parties involved.
But this “process as end” story is a doubled-edged sword which can cut either way. If “peace talks” are doomed to be reduced to this, insurgency itself is trapped in this same syndrome. This juggernaut too is become a perennial self-sustaining process which follows its own unique logic. The constant fights over government contract jobs by these non state players through their proxies, the need for harsh diktats to ensure public compliance to their agendas rather than voluntary participation etc, are some symptoms of this decay corroding away the soul of the insurrection. Under the circumstance, if the “fish baiting” games are to be abandoned, the “one-up-man ship” war games too must end. What is called for is a one to one discourse, which can give way to more hard-headed dialogues to finally pave the way for a negotiated settlement.
Indian states ranking by vaccination coverage
This is a list of the States of India ranked in order of percentage of children between 12-23 months of age who received all recommended vaccines.
This information was compiled from NFHS-3. National Family health survey (NFHS) is a large-scale, multi round survey conducted by the International Institute of Population Sciences (IIPS), Mumbai designated by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MOHFW), Government of India. NFHS-3 was released on 11 Oct 2008.
This information was compiled from NFHS-3. National Family health survey (NFHS) is a large-scale, multi round survey conducted by the International Institute of Population Sciences (IIPS), Mumbai designated by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MOHFW), Government of India. NFHS-3 was released on 11 Oct 2008.
| Rank | State | Vaccination Coverage (%) |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | Tamil Nadu | 81 |
| 2 | Goa | 79 |
| 3 | Kerala | 75 |
| 4 | Himachal Pradesh | 74 |
| 5 | Sikkim | 70 |
| 6 | Jammu and Kashmir | 67 |
| 7 | Haryana | 65 |
| 8 | West Bengal | 64 |
| 9 | Punjab | 60 |
| 9 | Uttaranchal | 60 |
| 11 | Maharashtra | 59 |
| 12 | Karnataka | 55 |
| 13 | Orissa | 52 |
| 14 | Tripura | 50 |
| 14 | Chattisgarh | 49 |
| 16 | Manipur | 47 |
| 17 | Andhra Pradesh | 46 |
| 17 | Mizoram | 46 |
| 19 | Gujarat | 45 |
| 20 | Whole INDIA | 44 |
| 21 | Madhya Pradesh | 40 |
| 22 | Jharkhand | 35 |
| 23 | Bihar | 33 |
| 23 | Meghalaya | 33 |
| 25 | Assam | 32 |
| 26 | Arunachal Pradesh | 28 |
| 27 | Rajasthan | 27 |
| 28 | Uttar Pradesh | 23 |
| 29 | Nagaland | 21 |
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